"Life moves pretty fast. You don't stop and look around once in awhile, you could miss it." - Ferris Bueller

Wednesday, June 27, 2007
Adventures With Duct Tape
Every guy who can lay legitimate claim to Guy-Hood has experience with God’s gift to handymen everywhere – commonly referred to as Duct Tape. It has many uses, as detailed by the link. I’ve made extensive use of Duct Tape for various uses both common and, well, not so common. Basically, I believe in the following Article of Duct Tape:
If it cannot be fixed with Duct Tape, it cannot be fixed.
For the past six months or so, the Service Engine Soon light has been on in my Mustang. Like most guys, when it came on I popped the hood and made sure the engine was still in place. It was. I then checked the owner’s manual and found out that, unless the light was blinking (which it wasn’t) I could continue to drive the car as normal. The illuminated light meant the evaporation line on the fuel system wasn’t totally sealed. Taking this to mean my car was in no danger of spontaneously combusting, I continued on my merry way – though not so merry because of the constant yellow glow emanating from my dashboard.

Emissions inspection time came, and after taking my car to be serviced I found that the top gasket on the gas tank was no longer sealing properly. While the evaporation line was a quick and cheap fix (a 3 cent clamp), the gas tank gasket was another story entirely – and much more expensive to boot. Both issues had to be resolved – in one way or another – before the emissions test could be passed.

The evaporation line was fixed with a cheap clamp, and I was at a loss as to how to fix the gasket problem – until I found a roll of duct tape sliding around in the trunk. I took several small strips of duct tape, placed them over and around the damaged gasket and voila! the gas tank was sealed. Emissions test passed with flying colors.

So, dear reader, there you have it – yet another use for Duct Tape. It’s kinda like The Force. It has a dark side and a light side – and it holds everything together.

Here endeth the lesson.
Friday, June 15, 2007
On Being A Father
This Sunday marks Father’s Day. It is a day of questionable ties and silly cards given to fathers by their children and to husbands by their wives. Personally I’ve long advocated Father’s Day be moved to coincide with the NFL’s opening day, but my lobbying efforts have thus far fallen on deaf ears.

Father’s Day gets much less publicity than does Mother’s Day. While there may be many reasons for this disparity, the fact of the matter is the importance of fathers in today’s culture has been greatly diminished. I won’t get into the root causes of the declining influence of the modern father in society – that’s a debate for another time – but I will simply state for the record there can be no replacement for a father (or father figure) in a family.

The fact of the matter is, children need a father’s influence. This in no way cheapens the important role and influence mothers have on children. Mothers care for and nurture children. Fathers take them outside and wrestle with them in ways that cause their wives to wince. Children, especially boys, need this kind of controlled violence in their lives.

In my perusal of the Blogosphere, I’ve come to really enjoy the writings of Tony Woodlief. He’s written a pamphlet (yes, Tony, I’m giving you a free plug) entitled “Raising Wild Boys into Men: A Modern Dad's Survival Guide” and has this teaser:

I've noticed that I walk slowly to my front door when I get home. I'm not a poetic guy, but I linger over the sound of the birds, the whisper of a breeze, the gentle sunlight on the grass. Then I open the door and cover my crotch, because each boy will come barreling at me, head lowered, preparing both to hug and tackle me at the same time. It's how they show love, through fierce hugs and low-level violence...
Tony has several posts on the importance of Fatherhood. He’s also recently been published in the venerable Wall Street Journal. Reading Tony reminds me of the oft quoted and very prescient words of David O. McKay
No other success can compensate for failure in the home.
I’ve read that quote thousands of times in many different settings, but it never really hit home for me until I was faced with my own personal patriarchal dilemma. I’ll spare you the details, but I came to the conclusion that if I screwed up in my role as a father and husband, it really wouldn’t matter how successful I was in other aspects of my life. If you screw up professionally, you might get fired. If you screw up as a father and your kids end up as damaged goods, your failure will be magnified on a generational scale.

Where did the seeds of this epiphany com from? Well, yes there were years of Sunday School lessons and other such teachings and I’ll give them as much credit as they deserve – but in the end those lessons are just words on the page. I learned the importance of being there as a father from Father Cordeiro. During my teenage years he had a professional opportunity that would’ve been great for his career and perhaps turned his gold oak leaves silver. Accepting that assignment would’ve uprooted our family and taken us across the ocean for the second time in six years. Father Cordeiro thought long and hard about it and ended up taking a stateside job with much less prestige. He did this so his children would have better opportunities. It was a difficult call for him to make, but one which benefited his posterity in ways yet unseen.

90% of fatherhood is just showing up. So many boys in today’s world are hell bent on engaging in the act of procreation while being wholly unprepared for the results thereof. The lack of a father’s influence in the life of a child is something which devastates society as a whole. According to Roland Warren, president of the National Fatherhood Initiative, children growing up in fatherless homes are two to three times more likely to use drugs, become teen parents, be connected with the criminal justice system, to fail in school or to live in poverty.”

Children learn from their fathers. The prophet Enos wrote that his father
was a just man—for he taught me in his language, and also in the nurture and admonition of the Lord—and blessed be the name of my God for it— (emphasis added)

It's my personal opinion that Enos did not always bless the name of his God for his father having taught him in his language along with lessons about the nurture and admonition of the Lord. I'm sure Enos did his share of lamenting over his father's lectures - I know I did when I was a kid. That said, Enos learned that his father had been a wise man and was grateful for the lessons he imparted. I know the older I get, the wiser man my father becomes.

Boys learn how to be men from the actions of their fathers. Girls learn how men should treat women by how their father treats their mother. Children learn these lessons regardless whether or not what is taught is right or wrong.

It’s hard to be a good father. Fatherhood means you spend a lot of time doing things you’d really rather avoid. It means learning how to handle hazardous material containers commonly referred to as diapers. It means sleepless nights with sick kids and weekends spent on little league fields rather than the golf course. It means sitting down and having a tea-party with your little girl and her dozen dolls while the playoff game of the century comes to a harrowing climax you’ll only see on YouTube long after the game is over. It means spending hours helping a little boy paint a Pinewood Derby car when you could be elsewhere. You do these things because your father did them for you, and you hope your sons do it for their children.

I do not remember all the little things Father Cordeiro did for me as a child. What I do remember is that he was there for me, regardless of how inconsequential the event was. Yes, he did manage to get tossed from more than a few junior-varsity football games for making incendiary comments about the visual acuity of the officials – but I’m pretty sure that’s required by the Dad Handbook. Just that presence taught me that, in his eyes I had value. When it’s all said and done, the time fathers give their children will matter more than all the material possessions in the world. No man ever came to the end of his life wishing he’d spent more time at the office.

I really like the movies The Family Man and The Pursuit Of Happyness. Both of these films greatly underscore the struggles and sacrifices made by men as they try to succeed in the only role that really matters.

Fatherhood, dear reader, is what really separates the men from the boys. Today’s world has enough members of the male gender. What we need is more men.

Here endeth the lesson.
Tuesday, June 12, 2007
Ronald Reagan - June 12, 1987

On this day 20 years ago, Ronald Reagan stood before a divided Berlin at the Brandenburg Gate. He delivered a speech that was broadcast around the world – as several American Presidents had before him. The year was 1987. It was the height of the Cold War. The conventional wisdom of the time stated the Iron Curtain would remain in place and the best anyone could ever hope for was a prolonging of the status quo.

Ronald Reagan didn’t believe that. He believed in confronting the enemies of freedom – and so he went to the Brandenburg Gate armed with four words. His staff didn’t want him to say those four words. It simply wasn’t done. One could not stand before the Soviets and demand the Berlin Wall be torn down. Reagan didn’t care. He said what he went there to say, consequences be damned.

I have read and listened to Reagan’s Brandenburg Gate Address many times. I thought to be able to summarize it for you, but I can’t find where to edit it. I guess that’s what happens when you come across one of the truly great works in the history of speechmaking.

So, dear reader, I quote for you here today the Gipper – at his rhetorical best. You may read, or listen as you like.
Thank you. Thank you, very much.

Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same -- still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.

Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.

Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.

Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

President Von Weizsäcker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Well today -- today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.
Yet, I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.

In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State -- as you've been told -- George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign -- the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West -- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium -- virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty -- that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders -- the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance -- food, clothing, automobiles -- the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²]

In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you."
But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind -- too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.
And now -- now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.

Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty -- the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.
There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.

General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.

Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate.

Mr. Gorbachev -- Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.

Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution) -- namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Soviets later walked away from the table.
But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then -- I invite those who protest today -- to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.

As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.

While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative -- research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.

In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.

In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.

Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.

Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.

And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.
To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.
With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.

There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.
One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -- has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.

In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats -- the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life -- not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says "yes" to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin -- is "love."

Love both profound and abiding.

Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.

Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.
As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner (quote):

"This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality."

Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.

And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.

Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you.
Where is the Wall which Reagan so forcibly helped crumble? Well, I found a few pieces of it in a very unlikely place, unless you understand and appreciate the efforts made by America's Cold Warriors. At the US Army Intelligence Museum in Ft. Huachuca, Arizona - an obscure place if ever there was one, are found two slabs of the Wall. Here's one:

So much for conventional wisdom.

Here endeth the lesson.
Wednesday, June 06, 2007
June 6, 1944

In Memoriam to those whose “lives fought for life…and left the vivid air signed with your honor”.

The men of Normandy had faith that what they were doing was right, faith that they fought for all humanity, faith that a just God would grant them mercy on this beachhead or on the next. It was the deep knowledge--and pray God we have not lost it--that there is a profound, moral difference between the use of force for liberation and the use of force for conquest.

We in America have learned bitter lessons from two World Wars: It is better to be here ready to protect the peace than to take blind shelter across the sea, rushing to respond only after freedom is lost. We've learned that isolationism never was and never will be an acceptable response to tyrannical governments with an expansionist intent.

Here, in this place where the West held together, let us make a vow to our dead. Let us show them by our actions that we understand what they died for. Let our actions say to them the words for which Matthew Ridgway listened: "I will not fail thee nor forsake thee.

Strengthened by their courage,heartened by their value [valor], and borne by their memory, let us continue to stand for the ideals for which they lived and died.
-- Ronald Reagan, June 6, 1984 (Exerpted and Emphasis Added)

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